Notwithstanding the tens of thousands of individuals who are even loosely termed "court workers" the only people remotely interested in what goes on in the magistrates courts are perhaps just a few thousand who work in the mainly print media and of those the majority don`t work for the Daily Mail or The Times or other mass media; they work for the hundreds of local media companies struggling to financially survive against a tsunami of sometimes unregulated competitors on and off line. Local magistrates court reporting remains one of the few activities where such businesses provide information services which are usually unobtainable elsewhere. Having myself, from time to time whilst active as a presiding magistrate, been the subject [albeit with the offender] of such reports I have nothing but admiration for those undertaking this work. There is still a majority of the British public without their name on the police national computer. Unless involved academically these law abiding citizens have absolutely no conception of how the law works in the 97% of criminal cases which begin and are concluded in the magistrates courts until, of course, they are themselves accused of offending. The pressure and lobbying organisation Transform Justice has, for that very reason, initiated a court watchers group to inform on such proceedings. My opinion in that regard is that the project has merit but care should be taken by these folk that reporting on the court is one thing; offering opinion is another and I have noted that sometimes the twain are confused. Arguably no topic within the legal system is perhaps as significant as sentencing although it`s fair to add that the whole system rather like the concrete used to construct some of the court buildings has been crumbling from the top for over a decade: 2010 to be precise.
From time to time I have offered cases where the invisible directive from the MOJ for sentencers to keep out of jail many who should be behind bars borders on political arrogance taking we the public for idiots. Politicians preach hard guidance and courts apply hand wringing misplaced benevolence. Below are just a pitiful few recent examples where the sentence does anything but fit the crime.
The dreadful cases of murder and rapes by serving Metropolitan Police officers and others provided a well earned shock to authorities who have shouted loudly that such cases, the tip of a known iceberg, will in future be treated with the severity they deserve. One such observation was that indecent exposure, an offence which most magistrates have had to listen to, would no longer be treated as a relatively minor offence. It would be treated as an indication that the offender was on an unstable ladder likely for him to lead to falling further into depravity. Academic studies have justified this reasoning. A sex offender denied his guilt until the day of his trial when he admitted indecent exposure to a 14 year old girl. Not only was that cowardly delay likely to have caused even more distress to the child his late guilty plea was of no avail insofar as he was sentenced to virtually the maximum available to the bench; 23 weeks but against all logic it was suspended. Obviously only those in the courtroom heard all the evidence and mitigation but common sense comments are valid. Those in the local area interested in the topic must be at best confused and at worst dismayed. The report is available here.
In Derby a 22 year old drunk driver was guilty of her third such conviction in three years. The Sentencing Guideline for this offence is here. Not only was she well over the limit she tried to deceive police by pretending she was a passenger in the vehicle; an aggravating circumstance if ever there was one. She was sentenced to 18 weeks custody which was suspended for two years. In addition she was disqualified from driving for four years and ordered to pay £199 in financial penalties. A 100 day alcohol monitoring tag was ordered to be attached and she was required to attend 25 rehabilitation sessions. How seriously all that will be monitored by an emasculated probation service we will never know. But how can we have confidence in our legal system when such a dreadful disregard for the law is treated almost as a misdemeanour.
Another case at Southern Derbyshire Magistrates’ Court gives me cause for disquiet. It seems to me natural justice that when a violent offence is committed against an obviously pregnant woman the law should punish the offender and mitigation if any should be treated with the utmost caution. When the court was told the same offender, the partner of the victim, was convicted for ABH against her in November 2022 immediate custody should surely have been the correct sentence. But no! The District Judge, to his shame suspended the sentence. Any right minded person must weep at this blatant observing of those aforementioned invisible guidelines from those who have underfunded prisons and their workforce since 2010. Such indifference to the public will lead to vigilantism and a further disregard for politicians and their public offerings of nirvana. The on line report can be read here.
Knife offending in this country is endemic. Hardly a day goes by from Cornwall to Cumbria without such an offence taking place. And still, this government like so many others, is by passing immediate custody and offering ever improved sentences for offenders as if they were offering new improved washing powder.
I have taken the opportunity to publish below Proposals 4 & 5 of "Consultation outcome Government response to consultation and summary of public responses (accessible)
Updated 2 October 2023."
The complete document on knives and bladed articles is available here.
Proposal 4 - The Criminal Justice System should treat possession in public of prohibited knives and offensive weapons more seriously.
Question 10: Should the Criminal Justice System treat those who carry prohibited knives and offensive weapons in public more seriously?
81. We asked respondents for their views on whether the possession of a prohibited knife in a public place should be treated more seriously. We asked respondents to tick one of the following responses and explain the reasoning for their answer. The provided responses were:
Yes
No
82. There was a total of 2,333 responses to this question.
83. The majority of responses (65%) agreed with this proposal with comments from some respondents talking about the devastating impact knife crime has on lives and communities and that this change will better reflect the severity of the crime.
84. Some respondents, including practitioners working with young people, suggested that this proposal may impact negatively on young people who may carry knives in public for self-defence purposes or because they are coerced into carrying the article.
Government response
85. We note concerns raised in relation to this proposal having the potential to impact on vulnerable people who may be coerced into carrying knives. Similar concerns were raised in relation to proposal 3. The courts will always consider each case individually and will take into account mitigating factors, such as age, lack of maturity and vulnerability.
86. The government is clear that it is unlawful to carry knives for self-defence purposes. The Prevention of Crime Act 1953 makes it an offence to carry offensive weapons in a public place, without lawful authority or reasonable excuse. Carrying a knife is likely to entice knife crime in local communities rather than discourage it and will put young people at risk as a result.
87. The government will ask the Sentencing Council to consider amending sentencing guidelines on possession of bladed articles/offensive weapons to treat possession of a prohibited weapon in public more seriously.
Proposal 5 - A new possession offence of bladed articles with the intention to endanger life or to cause fear of violence.
Question 11: Do you agree with the proposal?
88. We asked respondents whether they thought the government should introduce a new offence of possession of bladed articles with the intention to endanger life or to cause fear of violence. We asked respondents to tick one of the following responses and explain the reasoning for their answer. The provided responses were:
Yes
No
89. There was a total of 2,361 responses to this question.
90. The majority of respondents to this question (64%) agreed with this proposal. Respondents in favour of this proposal argued that current legislation does not recognise the severity of carrying a knife with the intention to cause fear and the increased likelihood of escalation resulting in harm or threat to life. Respondents stressed the need to act before the actual act of threatening another person occurs.
91. Some respondents agreed with the proposal, but they shared their views that they thought it would be difficult to prove that there is an intention for an individual carrying a bladed article to endanger life or cause fear of violence.
92. There were also respondents who were of the view that this is already covered under current legislation; the majority of respondents who provided these comments had selected ‘no’ as their answer to this question.
93. Some respondents, including practitioners working with young people, suggested that this proposal may impact negatively on young people who may carry knives in public for self-defence purposes or because they are coerced into carrying the article.
Government response
94. The government will seek to introduce a separate possession offence of bladed articles with the intention to injure or cause fear of violence with a maximum penalty higher than the current offence of possession of an offensive weapon when parliamentary time allows.
95. We believe that there is a gap in knife legislation between simple knife possession and possession and threatening another person. This proposal mirrors existing firearms legislation that has been effectively implemented by prosecutors. We expect that this proposal will support the police in tackling violence before the actual harm has been done and where there is evidence, for example on social media, of taunting or threatening behaviour.
96. We note concerns raised in relation to this proposal having the potential to impact on vulnerable people who may be coerced into carrying knives. The courts will always consider each case individually and will take into account mitigating factors, such as age, lack of maturity and vulnerability.
97. The government is clear that it is unlawful to carry knives for self-defence purposes. The Prevention of Crime Act 1953 makes it an offence to carry offensive weapons in a public place, without lawful authority or reasonable excuse. Carrying a knife is likely to entice knife crime in local communities rather than discourage it and will put young people at risk as a result.
Governments of all shades, Secretaries of State for Justice and Home Office Ministers have spouted on for decades about what they`ll do about knife crime. It`s fair to say that very few of the public now take anything they say on the subject except with a large pinch of salt. The old adage of the boy who cried wolf has survived for centuries owing to the underlying truth, reasoning and logic conveyed by those few words. What is not immediately flagged up is the effect on a society when a government duly elected operates under that very proverb crying wolf so often that electors finally disregard its words and as a result seek the apparent simplicity of the demagogues who offer manna from a utopian heaven the price of which, unsaid, is the loss of democratic rights. I am fearful that we are slowly entering that period when the value of almost any political policy promised by government or those who seek government is discounted, disregarded and held as an example of the need by some voters for "strong government". The lesson is there before us. The point is whether the sheep are listening to the politicians who cry wolf.